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They think we should jettison the ancient offence of scandalising the judiciary. I agree. They suggest that when someone commits contempt in the face of the court, they should have the right to a hearing before another judge if they are to be punished beyond locking them up for the day. You bet. They think we should dump the vexed distinction between civil and criminal contempt. In general the Commission favours codifying the law. This is because the law of contempt is largely not a creature of statute.

If Parliament defines what sorts of behaviour might threaten the administration of justice, Parliament can change those definitions. For example, National MP Nick Smith was punished for contempt of court for his scathing criticisms of the court and one of the parties in an ongoing Family Court case.

What happens if Parliament sets boundaries for acceptable criticism of judges, or behaviour in court, or compliance with court orders, that judges think are so loose they threaten their ability to dish out justice? In other words, is the executive the Law Commission recommending that the legislature Parliament muscle in on judicial terrain? Does this threaten the separation of powers? There are some great big grey areas here, and I wish the Commission had tackled them.

For instance, there are mixed messages in the cases about whether it can be a contempt to publish something in prejudicial when a case is before a judge alone. Some cases say that judges are specially trained and experienced in putting media comment out of their minds and will never be influenced by it.

Others say that judges are human and might be swayed by something in the media. Which is it to be? Of is it to be some halfway house — it can be contempt to publish prejudicial material in a judge-alone case, but the threshold is higher?

If so, can the law please describe that different threshold more clearly so that we know where it is? Another problem is that the general rule with publication contempt is that it must create a real risk of prejudice to the fairness of a trial. I think real risk should be the touchstone across the board. What the hell does that even mean? Pretty much any article painting a party in a bad light potentially triggers this rule. This should be tackled too.

It knows that this leads to confusion about the law, and that in turn this confusion can affect freedom of expression when people are commenting on courts. Plainly, the Commission thinks its recommendations achieve this clarity. The current rule is basically this: it is a contempt of court to publish something that creates a real risk — as opposed to a remote possibility — of prejudice to the fairness of a trial. The problem is that this test is nebulous. Yes, we know it covers previous convictions, and appearances at court on other charges, but how much more does it cover?

Reporting that the accused has confessed, when that may not be admissible in trial? Showing photos of the accused when identity is at issue? That is too, since witnesses memories may be influenced by seeing the photos. Reporting on old gang associations? Reporting about previous accusations of misconduct?

Discussing the evidence in an unbalanced way? Calling for a conviction? These may well be contempts too. Whether the publication creates a real risk of prejudice might depend on when the story was published, how widely it was read, how splashy it is, how accurate it is, what the trial issues are, and many other factors. At the press conference on Monday, the Law Commissoners said they believed their recommendations would tighten and clarify this test.

Let me say at once that these are laudable aims. Well, this is mostly fine. And it creates a bright line. But it seems to apply to judge-alone trials, even when the convictions have been mentioned in court. In other words, is the executive the Law Commission recommending that the legislature Parliament muscle in on judicial terrain? Does this threaten the separation of powers? There are some great big grey areas here, and I wish the Commission had tackled them.

For instance, there are mixed messages in the cases about whether it can be a contempt to publish something in prejudicial when a case is before a judge alone. Some cases say that judges are specially trained and experienced in putting media comment out of their minds and will never be influenced by it.

Others say that judges are human and might be swayed by something in the media. Which is it to be? Of is it to be some halfway house — it can be contempt to publish prejudicial material in a judge-alone case, but the threshold is higher? If so, can the law please describe that different threshold more clearly so that we know where it is? Another problem is that the general rule with publication contempt is that it must create a real risk of prejudice to the fairness of a trial.

I think real risk should be the touchstone across the board. What the hell does that even mean? Pretty much any article painting a party in a bad light potentially triggers this rule. This should be tackled too. It knows that this leads to confusion about the law, and that in turn this confusion can affect freedom of expression when people are commenting on courts. Plainly, the Commission thinks its recommendations achieve this clarity. The current rule is basically this: it is a contempt of court to publish something that creates a real risk — as opposed to a remote possibility — of prejudice to the fairness of a trial.

The problem is that this test is nebulous. Yes, we know it covers previous convictions, and appearances at court on other charges, but how much more does it cover? Reporting that the accused has confessed, when that may not be admissible in trial? Showing photos of the accused when identity is at issue? That is too, since witnesses memories may be influenced by seeing the photos.

Reporting on old gang associations? Reporting about previous accusations of misconduct? Discussing the evidence in an unbalanced way? Calling for a conviction? These may well be contempts too. Whether the publication creates a real risk of prejudice might depend on when the story was published, how widely it was read, how splashy it is, how accurate it is, what the trial issues are, and many other factors.

At the press conference on Monday, the Law Commissoners said they believed their recommendations would tighten and clarify this test. Let me say at once that these are laudable aims. Well, this is mostly fine. And it creates a bright line. But it seems to apply to judge-alone trials, even when the convictions have been mentioned in court.

Those might not have been regarded as contempt under the old rules. Still, I doubt anyone would prosecute. On the other hand, this merely codifies the easy part of the law of contempt. There is never much doubt that publishing these things will be a contempt. Empower the courts to make advance rulings setting out what information cannot be published because it will endanger the trial. In fact, the courts have this power. But they hardly ever use it.

The threshold for such injunctions is very high. In fact, I agree. The chilling effect of a law is related to how clear the rule is, and how certain and severe the punishment is.

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